Rolls Royce Essay Example for Free

Rolls Royce Essay a) Company Information. Rolls Royce PLC is the second largest multinational organisation that produces power integrated systems after GE Aviation. Rolls Royce operates in four different types of economic markets which are the civil and defence aerospace market as well as the marine and energy markets. The company makes engines for jets, helicopters, and turboprop aircraft not only do they produce engines but they also install these systems. Rolls Royce PLC has 50,000 engines in service with 500 major airlines. Rolls Royce PLC is a global company that is known in over 50 countries, the name Rolls Royce comes from the last names of its founders, Henry Royce and Charles rolls. The company was initially formed in 1904 to produce cars and car engines. In 1914 it also produced its first aircraft engine, as the company expanded in 1971 it became a PLC, the company was then split into two and sold to a BMW company that is now known as Rolls Royce motor cars LTD. Rolls Royce PLC retained the right of its trademarks so it can use it to operate in the markets it does. Rolls Royce has invested a sufficient amount of money into research n development of its products and technology it uses to produce them. It also invests somewhat  £300 million a year on capital projects. In recent events Rolls Royce was awarded a contract by the ministry of defence to supply those engines for their aircrafts for the next five years, they also secured more than $1 billion worth of orders from an recent air show. b) Information required to aid managers. Managers need to plan ahead they require important information to enable them to run the day to day and future operations of the company. Depending on where your company stands in the economic market and its needs at that particular time it wants to be able to sift through information selecting what is relevant and applying it to the company. Rolls Royce understands how important it is for management data as this coupled with their knowledge and expertise helps them to maximise their operational expertise. Rolls Royce needs information such as income, expenditure and capital employed to be able to plan and prepare budgets for the future this information is very important to Rolls Royce as for example it can help them to work out any repair costs to engines being produced and how many extra components that maybe needed. Forecast is very important for Rolls Royce, as it can help them predict how many contracts they may receive and what companies to target in certain circumstances for example wars are predicted, this means the demand for military aircrafts will increase this will aid Rolls Royce to keep up with changing economic environments. Information such as pricing is also very important to Rolls Royce as they are the second largest company supplying engines to the aviation market they need to be able to set prices ahead of their competitors so they can win large contracts to stay in the game. Feedback from customers is very important not just from the customers Rolls Royce provides to but even to the extent of feedback from the public for example; emirates airlines customers expected more leg room in their planes, not only this the airline through research predicted more first class passengers if there planes where designed with more room and better bathroom facilities for the high class passengers. All this information could help Rolls Royce design and produce larger planes which require larger more complicated engines not only this it could set a new trend of better travel. 2. Management accounting techniques are necessary to run a business effectively. These techniques primarily affect costs and prices within the corporation. I. Budgeting A budget is developed to plan for the future. A company as big as Rolls Royce needs a master budget to predict costs and revenues for the year. Budgets can also be used to control stock levels, predict the amount of staff required on particular projects and how many hours they are required to work. These budgets can be compared with financial statements at the year end to see how consistent they have been in maintaining the budget and targets. Finally, budgets should include funds for investment opportunities, so when these opportunities arise Rolls Royce can take swift action for example Rolls Royce receives an order of 100 engines from an airline to be able to carry out such an order budgeting can help predict how much it may cost to produce these engines not only this but the number of new staff required. II. Benefits As I mentioned budgets can provide objectives and goals. These can motivate people to perform effectively, especially if the workforce was asked to contribute when the budget was set. Budgets can also force managers to make accurate use of Rolls Royces capital. Ultimately, Rolls Royce can organise the organisation because the budget affects all departments not just one due to business activities existing throughout the company. III. Limitation Budgets can reduce motivation in the workforce at Rolls Royce because staff will be under pressure to maintain targets of the budgets. Effects such as these result in stressful staff which may lead to them taking sick leave. Therefore, Rolls Royce will be short staffed in certain situations. A major issue that may arise due to budgets is that of conflict. Conflict can be good and bad in a workforce. In the case of Rolls Royce there might be departments arguing about unfair resources allocation, which is bad conflict. Therefore, if targets are not met, departments will blame each other and this will result in more conflict and a poor organisational culture. Budgets can encourage managers to overestimate costs so that they are not blamed if there is any overspending. Rolls Royce could lose out on lucrative deals if they do not budget for investment opportunities. b: I. Standard Costing Standard costing sets levels of costs and revenues which ought to be achievable when reasonable levels of performance are used, together with efficient working practices, to manufacture a product†. (Harrison, 1998:228) This management technique is very useful for Rolls Royce because they produce their own Engines. This costing method compares predetermined costs of products with actual costs incurred. Rolls Royce can calculate many variances, such as material, labour and overheads. The materials variance will show Rolls Royce how well they use their materials and how cheap they are purchasing materials. E.g. Rolls Royce budget to purchase 10,000kg of materials at  £2.00 per kg totalling to  £20,000, but really purchase 10,000kg at  £1.50 per kg totalling to  £15,000, there is a  £5000 favourable variance. This means that the purchase price of the materials was cheaper than expected. The labour variance will show the rate being paid to workers, and how efficiently the employees have been working. Finally, the overhead variances will show Rolls Royce the difference between overhead rates charged and budgeted on production. II. Benefits By setting standards Rolls Royce can identify weaknesses in the manufacturing system. This will allow them to rectify problems and produce effectively. Setting standards will also motivate people to maintain targets. If targets are not being met managers will be encouraged to review methods to reduce costs. This method represents the correct cost of a product and can inspire managers and employees to improve from year to year on saving costs. III. Limitations To have a well maintained system it will be costly for Rolls Royce but will be worthwhile. Due to prices changing frequently because of inflation, the system will need to be updated frequently which can be time consuming and therefore distracts managers/employees from production. If targets are not achieved, employees can lose motivation and this could affect the performance of the workforce. c) I. Pricing One of the most crucial decisions a company must make is the price of a product. Two main features that must be considered when setting a price on a product is the cost and revenue maximisation. There are three pricing methods; cost based pricing, going rate, and pricing policies. There are various methods of applying cost based pricing, but the most relevant for Rolls Royce is considering total costs. This method covers a profit margin and the cost of the product. This is very important to Rolls Royce as they are not the first largest company providing power systems to the aviation market by setting a price which is lower than GE Aviation its competitor they may be able to attract more contracts for example if GE Aviation Sold 20 engines at $20million Rolls Royce could sell the same amount of engines for $19.5 Million helping them achieve more sales and attract more customers. II. Benefits. Rolls Royce can benefit from cost plus pricing by many ways. Firstly, managers can set a mark up to their desire, there is no fixed limit on mark up but it must be reasonable and competitive. Baxter and Oxenfeldt (1961) state, cost plus pricing â€Å"offer a means by which plausible prices can be found with ease and speed, no matter how many products the firm handles†. (Drury, 2004:432) Finally, if all firms in the market have similar mark up and cost structures to Rolls Royce, there will be price stability, which is good for customers. Rolls Royce can benefit from the going rate because customers will buy from them due to their reputation as they operate in four different markets providing power system even though competitors will have the same price. Loss leader pricing is useful for Rolls Royce because when customers are attracted by a low price of aircraft or engine, it is almost certain that consumers will purchase a higher quantity of these systems. This compensates for the low mark up as more items are sold. III. Limitations. The main limitation of cost plus pricing is that the demand for the product is not taken into account. The going rate on products can be difficult to compare with competitors because; some companies might have lower production costs than others. Using a loss leader strategy to sell items can cause problems if you dont sell all the stock. If this occurs, prices can only be reduced further to clear out remaining stock, which subsequently leads to further losses. d) I. Long Term Decisions (Investment Appraisal) Rolls Royce will need to use investment appraisal techniques to decide whether certain investments will be worthwhile, e.g. supplying 20 Airbus A330 jets to air china. The most convenient method for these examples would be ‘payback. Payback is, â€Å"The time required for the cash inflows from a capital investment project to equal the cash outflows†. (Lucey, 2002:352) E.g. supplying air china 20 airbus A330 jets will cost  £500 million, and the turnover is  £100 million per year, therefore the payback period is 5 years. This method can also be used to decide between two investments, e.g. supplying Air China 20 Airbus A330 or supplying Singapore airlines 30 airbus A330. Depending on the payback period resulting from projected inflows and outflows, the company can decide which airline to supply too. The best choice will be the one that has the quickest payback period. II. Benefits. Payback is the most simple investment appraisal technique to calculate. This will be good for Rolls Royce when swift decisions are required. This method will be easy to understand at all levels of the company. Another benefit of this method is that it will prevent cash flow problems because money is recovered as soon as possible. III. Limitations. The major limitation of payback is that once the initial investment has been recovered, all future cash flows are ignored. This method also assumes that if the payback period is long the investment will not be successful. Hence, if Rolls Royce decides to supply engines to air china instead of Singapore airlines there will be a gradual payback period, does that mean the investment will not be successful? Finally, this method does not account for time value of money. Therefore, an investment now could be worth more in ten years. Read more: http://www.ukessays.co.uk/essays/accounting/rolls-royce-plc.php#ixzz2LvPZSk6S

Liberal and Mercantilist Theories of Political Economy

Liberal and Mercantilist Theories of Political Economy Contrast liberal and mercantilist theories of international political economy and consider which approach is most apparent in the contemporary world. The following seeks to contrast liberal and mercantilist theories that have developed to describe and analyze the international political economy. Once the contrasts have been made conclusions as to which theory is the most apt or apparent in the contemporary world will be drawn. Both liberal and mercantilist theories have advantages and disadvantages when used to understand the international political economy in the present global system. Perhaps it would be more apt to describe the liberal theory as being neo-liberal as it has undergone a recent revival in popularity. It must be remembered that whether a state is most influenced by liberal or mercantilists theories that trade will never be completely free of duty and tariffs, as they are useful sources of revenue for governments. Governments also have to have relationships with other governments and non-state actors that may or may not share their worldview. Liberalism itself can be dated back to the English, American and French revolutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when the mercantilist economic system evolved into capitalism. Liberals were originally regarded as being politically centrist or left wing in outlook but favoring little or no state intervention in the economy. In its original form liberal economic theory strongly advocated a free market approach with states not using tariffs to prevent competition from other countries and not interfering in their own internal markets (Comfort, 1993, p. 345). The basis of liberal theory was the right to gain property or capital to be used however states, businesses or individuals felt appropriate combined with freedom of action and belief (Eatwell and Wright, 2003, p. 27). In classical liberal theory the free market sets the prices for goods, currency exchanges, resources and even wages. However fluctuations within the free market can have serious political as well as econ omic consequences such as unemployment and poverty that can be made worse by international competitors. Governments have attempted to circumvent these problems by setting up welfare states, imposing strict tariff restrictions on imports or subsidizing industries and businesses. The restriction of trade and the use of tariffs are the main basis of mercantilist theory (Harvey, 1995, p. 6). Liberalism was apparently strongest in the international political economy during the 19th century as Britain dominated world trade removing barriers in its way to free trade. Liberal capitalism seemed to be unstoppable during this period. The economic elites of the less developed states were content to play a subordinate role as they were still making profits for themselves (Hobsbawm, 1975, p. 38). However, there were moves away from free trade towards a more mercantilist or restrictive trade practices most notably in Germany and United States whilst even the British started to doubt free trade. After World War One liberal theory seemed to decline in prominence within the international political economy (Hobsbawm, 1987, p. 54). It was a great paradox that liberal theory would regain some of its prominence in international political economy after 1945 just as the free market within most of the world was either tempered by welfare states or communist takeovers. The United States promoted freer trade both out of self-interest and the desire to prevent the great failings within the international political economy during the inter-war period. Through the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the Bretton Woods agreement the United States government ushered in an era of liberalism that is still in operation to this day. However, it was not the unrestrained free trade international political economy of the 19th century but without American aid it is doubtful if Western Europe and Japan would have recovered so well to play such key roles in the present global economy. However the World Bank and the IMF are founded on the principles of liberal theory and generally insist that all countries they loan money t o adopt those free trade policies that stem from liberalism. Governments that have to accept these loans leave their economies open to multinational companies and have to reduce spending on welfare and education (Keegan, 1992, pp.16-17). United States domination of the international political economy meant that it could promote the liberal theory of free trade even if it allowed its partners to have tariffs whilst it did not. United States share of world trade declined its share of global exports declining to 13% in the 1980s from its high point of 29% in 1953. However the American based multinational companies such as Coca-Cola and Microsoft have great influence on the global economy due to their size and profitability. Americans continue to believe that liberal theory holds the key to ensuring international prosperity and many nations either through choice or lack of autonomy pursue liberal policies as well (DuBoff, 1989.p.158). Liberal theory does not completely dominate the international political economy as tariffs were not completely removed from all countries and there was the establishment of trading blocs. Blocs such as the European Union (EU), The North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA) and Mercosaur in Latin America offer favoured trading terms to members but not always to non-members. The economic advantages offered by free trading areas act as an incentive for non members to adopt liberal policies, for instance the former communists states of central and eastern Europe. For much of the post war period there was also the apparent rival economic and political theory of communism represented by the Soviet Union and its Central and Eastern European satellites. The collapse of communism certainly made liberal concepts within international political economy more apparent in the contemporary world (Keegan, 1992, pp. 3-4). The former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Soviet U nion have all to some extent attempted the twin convergence to liberal democracy and capitalist economy. The opening up of these countries to liberal free trade led to unemployment, the closure of uncompetitive factories and inflation. Russia and its young reformers was not the only country to attempt shock therapy to cure the stagnation caused by central planning (Freeland, 1999, pp. 34-35). However, the economic and political transitions have been more successful in Poland, Hungary and the Baltic States that have since joined the EU. It could be argued that liberal theory of free trade proved attractive to reformers whilst ordinary, people wished to have higher standards of living as in the United States, Japan and Western Europe (Agh, 1998, p.3). The mercantilist theory is in effect the opposite theory to the liberal theory. Mercantilist theory equates to restrictions being placed upon free trade when governments are more prepared to intervene in the international political economy or if needs be to by pass it. Mercantilist theory and practice led to the creation (or explained it at any rate) of separate trading blocs and economic nationalism within the international political economy. Economists and historians have argued that modern capitalism developed from an earlier mercantilist period when the empires built up by the European states such as France, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal competed for global domination and tried to restrict trade to within their own empires. Each country would try to increase its power by gaining colonies, economic influence and more consumers for its goods. Britain by virtue of its naval supremacy and earlier industrialization was able to dominate the international political economy. Where possible Britain removed mercantilist restrictions to trade, allowing workers, businesses and investments to flow more freely (Hobsbawm, 1975, pp. 36-37). However, mercantilist theory and policies remained and still remain in the international political economy. Countries such as Germany, Russia, Japan and the United States used protectionism to start up and enhance their industrialization preventing more efficient rivals from shutting it down. Japan would become the role model for importing superior foreign goods, copying them and them exporting cheaper versions. Meanwhile a renewed wave of imperialism at the end of the 19th century increased the competition for colonies and captive markets. Mercantilist theory was popular then and is attractive now because of its emphasis on national self -interest and gaining at the expense of others. However, the advantages of domestic popularity and employment protection need to be considered in relation to consequences within the international political economy. The United States is as keen to pursue free trade liberal policies as the British used to be, because they gain the most from those policies. Smaller nations on the other hand are dependent on the richer nations and might prefer to restrict trade to protect their industries and jobs but often have that choice taken away from them (Hobsbawm, 1987, p. 54). There are various ways in which mercantilist theory can be put into effect. Methods include the imposition and weighting of tariffs (more restrictive towards unfriendly nations, less restrictive for friends or allies), the restriction or complete ban of certain goods and quotas. Not only can restrictions be used to gain economic advantage they can also be used as political and economic sanctions against states that have transgressed in some way. The effectiveness of sanctions in forcing countries to change their behaviour remains largely unproved both in the past and in the contemporary international political economy. The possible exception to this is the supply of crude oil, which is so crucial to the economies of North America, Europe and Asia. This reliance upon oil gave the oil embargo of 1973-74 such damaging effects on the global economy. The further price rises following the Iranian revolution in 1979; the Gulf War of 1990-91 and more recently the invasion of Iraq demonstrate the vulnerability of the international political economy to the restriction of essential resources. However the governments of the oil producing states are normally happy to take part in free trade even if liberalism is the last thing they would support at the domestic and national level (Harvey, 1995, pp. 288-89). The inter-war period provides the best examples of the bad consequences of an imbalance between liberal and mercantilist influences on the international political economy. Tariffs were raised through out that period yet offered little but short-term advantage at the expense of international co-operation and trade. Whilst Britain and France increased their exports to their colonies and restricted imports from rivals, Italy, Japan and Germany looked at conquest as a means of economic expansion. These mercantilist measures did little to protect and in fact further harmed the international political economy following the great depression after 1929 (Brendon, 2000, p. 165). Added to the instability was the harshness of the Versailles settlement that prevented Germanys economic revival and badly effected the economic fortunes of the rest of Europe. Resentment of the settlement assisted the Nazis Party aided by economic weakness (Smith, 2003, p. 160). The events of the inter-war period are relevant to an understanding of the contemporary international political economy due to the way in which governments and organisations have tried to prevent similar events happening again. Liberalism is seen as the best means of achieving stability and prosperity just as much now as it did in the past (Smith, 2003, p. 161). After 1945 the United States government extended aid not only to its allies such as Britain and France but also defeated enemies in the form of Germany, Italy and Japan. Under the Marshall plan $17 billions of American aid boosted reconstruction in Western Europe (Central and Eastern European countries were forced to refuse by the Soviet Union) that ensured long term stability and prosperity. This is relevant to the present international political economy because it assured the predominance of liberal theory even though it did not completely eliminate mercantilist theory (Ambrose Brinkley, 1997, p. 87). The post-war economic growth of Germany and Japan (the Western part anyway) was aided by the selective use of subsidies and tariffs to promote the most effective parts of the economy rather than the least effective. Germany of course also had to set tariffs in line with its EU partners whilst Japan has not such constraints (Keegan, 1992, p.145). Countries within the international political economy have to find a balance between national self- interest and maintaining worthwhile international trading relationships. Whether guided by liberal, mercantilist or any other theory governments are often guided in their approach to the internationalist political economy by pragmatic considerations. Decisions made on pragmatic basis can later be justified in the mane of liberal or mercantilist theory. The rise of international trading blocs has generally led to a liberalization of trade within those blocs most notably within the single market and single currency of the EU (Smith, 2003, p.230). The cost of failure or the benefits of success of liberalization of trade within the international political economy are great. The General Agreement on Trade Tariffs (GATT) has often been involved in complex trade deals and tariff reductions. Failure to agree can lead to the costly maintenance or extension of trade restrictions. Reductions in t ariffs have been substantial. For instance the cuts agreed to at the Uruguay round of GATT amounted to a $744 billion reduction in tariffs across the international political economy. Such deals demonstrate the intentions of many governments to make the international political economy as liberal in nature as possible but without losing too much of their own position (Ambrose Brinkley, 1997, p. 410). Arguably the liberal theory is the most apparent within the contemporary international political economy. However this has to be considered with remaining vestiges of mercantilist theory. Liberal theory received a revival from the 1970s onwards with the emergence of neo-liberalism. Neo-liberalism became most closely associated with Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in United States being referred to as Reaganomoics and Thatcherism. They wished to turn the clock back to unrestricted free trade internationally and the free market domestically with reduced welfare states (Keegan, 1992, p.25). Ronald Reagan in fact increased public spending particularly in a renewed arms race with the Soviet Union. An unintended consequence of that policy was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe (Carroll Noble, 1988, p.433). The re-emergence of liberal democracy and capitalism in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe stren gthened the role of liberal theory in the international political economy. This strengthening happened because of the liberal minded policies of reformers in those countries even though the transitions proved far from straight forward (Agh, 1998, pp. 2-3) Therefore within the present international political economy liberal theory is more apparent than mercantilist theory. The apparent dominance of liberal theory can be explained by the continued strength of American and other major multinational companies, and the political, economic and military might of the United States. Liberal theory is further promoted by institutions such as the IMF that influence developing states into pursuing free trade policies. Developing and former communist states such as Poland also see that adopting liberal theory can be to their political and economic advantage, especially if it allows them access to trading blocs like the European Union. Trading blocs may operate liberal theory within the confines of their members but they can display mercantilist tendencies by restricting trade with non-members. Liberal theory is also promoted by the process of globalization that makes it easier for multinationals to operate within. The increasing use of information technology allows trade to be carried out faster with less chance of governments intervening. Yet mercantilist theory is not likely to disappear from the international political economy just yet as governments are as likely to be guided by national self-interest and pragmatism as they have always been. Bibliography Agh, A. (1998) The Politics of Central Europe, Sage Publications, London. Ambrose S E Brinkley, D G (1997) Rise to Globalism American Foreign Policy Since 1938, Eighth Revised Edition, Penguin Books, New York Brendon, P (2000) The Dark Valley A Panorama of the 1930s, Jonathan Cape, London Carroll, P. N and Noble, D. W (1988) The Free and the Unfree A new history of the United States 2nd edition, Penguin Books, New York Comfort, N. (1993) Brewers Politics A Phrase and Fable Dictionary, 2nd edition, Cassell, London. DuBoff, R B (1989) Accumulation Power An Economic History of the United States, M E Sharpe Inc. New York Eatwell, R and Wright, A (2003) Contemporary Political ideologies, 2nd edition, Continuum, London Freeland, C (2000) Sale of the Century -the inside story of the Second Russian Revolution, Little Brown and Company, London Harvey, J (1995) Mastering Economics 4th edition, Macmillan, London Hobsbawm, E (1975) The Age of Capital 1848-1875, Weidenfeld Nicholson, London Hobsbawm, E (1987) The Age of Empire 1875-1914, Weidenfeld Nicholson, London Keegan, W (1992) The Spectre of Capitalism the future of the World economy after the fall of Communism. Smith, D (2003) Free Lunch -Easily Digestible Economics, Served on a plate, Profile Books, London

The New Federalist Party :: essays research papers

The New Federalist Party Part I As the sole member of the New Federalist party, it is with great honors that I now present to you the very first New Federalist platform. PREAMBLE The growing dissension between the two major political parties today has drawn them away from the public's views. It has been determined that the citizens of the United States cannot get what they want from the current major parties. Because of this, a total reconstruction of the current political structure is in dire need. In response to this need, the New Federalist party has been formed. The name "New Federalist" has been chosen to express the party's foremost concern. This is to restructure the government into the form that the framers of the Constitution meant for it to be in. The basis of this restructuring comes from the 10th amendment and articles of the Constitution. As you know, every major political party needs a symbol. After careful consideration, the mythological hydra has been selected. I know what your thinking, but it is effective in serving two main purposes. The first purpose is that it is an ideal representation of the new structure of government that will be implemented by the New Federalist party. The two heads represent the two governing bodies, the federal government and the state governments. Both "heads" do nothing more than serve or govern over the body, which represents the citizens of the United States of America. The second purpose of the hydra is to shift the focus from the representative party to the individual members of the party. A political party should, like the hydra, should be nothing more than a myth. Votes in an election should not be cast for a party but for the individual candidates. The New Federalist party will be nothing more than a collection of like-minded people seeking to better our great country. In the following pages I have set forth the basic principles and various policy stands of the New Federalist party. STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES AND POLICIES PRINCIPLES Federalism: "A political system in which ultimate authority is shared between a central government and state or regional governments."1 The first and foremost principality addresses the power of the federal and state governments. The framers of the Constitution never meant for the federal government to grow to today's tremendous size. The 10th amendment states that "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people."2 This means that everything not set forth in the Constitution as being regulated by the federal government will go

Depressed Teenagers in Today’s Society Essay -- Psychology Depression

Depressed Teenagers in Today’s Society Being depressed includes many feelings, and they can range from simply being fed up with the world to actually wanting to take one’s own life. I have been depressed before, but I have never wanted to commit suicide. I want to know why teenagers would become so depressed that they would even consider taking their lives. I want to answer the commonly asked questions about teenage depression. Why are teenagers today so depressed? Why do they feel like there is no way out for them except death? What causes teens to feel like there is no way out of their feelings of worthlessness? Does society have a negative impact on teenagers which leads to depression? I want to learn the answers to these questions. I want to discover how to help these teenagers who feel so lost in the world. Being a teenager myself, I realize that there is a lot of stress to be perfect. Although perfect is something that does not exist, it is something that so many teenagers feel the desire to striv e for. I have teenage friends who I feel have been distant lately. I fear that they may be suffering from something serious, something like depression. I too have been a victim of depression, and I know that times can get hard. I also realize that if people do not get help they are giving up on themselves. People can not always fix what it is wrong in their lives. I wish that there were programs which teenagers could attend in order to learn more about what they can do in times when they are depressed. Teenagers need to know that someone is there for them. With suicide rates climbing into the thousands, depression is being seen as a number one cause. In order to help teenagers people need to start at the s... ...en, and Kimberly Kirberger, eds. Chicken Soup For The Teenage Soul. Florida: Health Communications, Inc, 1997. Cohen-Sandler, Roni, Ph.D. â€Å"Do you need a therapist?† Seventeen Dec. 2004: 95. Cytryn, Leon M.D., and Donald McKnew M.D. Growing Up Sad. 1996. Washington: Norton & Company, 1999. Depression in Teenagers. November 2003. Hearts and Minds Network. 8 November 2004 . Kolk, Bessel A., Alexander C. McFarlane, and Lars Weisaeth. Traumatic Stress. 1996. New York: Guildford Press, 2000. McEwen, Bruce, and Elizabeth Norton Lasley. The End of Stress As We Know It. 2000. Washington: Joseph Henry Press, 2002. Pipher, Mary Ph.D. Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls. New York: Balantin, 1996. Wallenstein, Gene Ph.D., Mind, Stress, and Emotions. 1999. Boston: Common Wealth Press, 2003.

Smoking Trends Among Teenagers Essay -- essays research papers

Cigarette smoking is a habit that kills approximately million of people per year. It is surprisingly being picked up by myriad amount of children every day. Smoking becomes a growing trend in the youth community. The number of young smokers have been increased in most American middle schools and high schools. Both girls and boys are smoking because they think it is cool. The four reasons that cause many teenagers to start smoking are peer-pressure, image projection, rebellion, and adult aspirations. Approximately 3,000 teenagers pick up the smoking habit each day in America. That is roughly one million new teenage smokers per year. About 60% of all high school students try smoking by the time they are seniors because they think it is a cool thing to do (Johnston.) In 1996, smoking rates are 21 percent among eighth-graders (13-14 years old), 30 percent among 10th-graders (15-16 years old), and 34 percent among 12th-graders (17-18 years old). These rates are impressively high, especially when compared to the fact that about 25 percent of all adults are classified as current smokers according to the National Health Interview Survey. Cigarette smoking peaked in 1996 among eighth, and tenth graders nationwide, and in 1997 among 12th-graders. Since those peak years, there has been a gradual decline in smoking rates, which continued in 1999. (Johnston). Rates of daily smoking are also down from their peak levels (in 1996 for eighth- and 10th-graders and in 1997 for 12th-graders) but did not show much improvement in 1999 specifically, according to Johnston. "Because young people tend to carry the smoking habits they develop in adolescence into adulthood, the substantial and continuing increases in teen smoking bode ill for the eventual longevity and health of this generation of American young people," concludes Johnston. "Hundreds of thousands of children from each graduating class are likely to suffer appalling diseases, and to die prematurely, as a result of the smoking habits they are developing in childhood and adolescence." Young people continue to report cigarettes as being easily available to them: 77 percent of the eighth-graders, who are 13 or 14 years old, report that cigarettes would be "very easy" or "fairly easy" for them to get, and 91 percent of th... ...e you smoke. However, in some cases, the young kids are getting addicted after their first try. Finally, they want to be an adult. Adult aspiration is also one of the reasons that lead some teenagers to smoking. Some teenagers believe that by smoking they are acting like an adult. If the teenager is raised in a community where most of the adults smoke, then this is perhaps a logical conclusion. They have the tendency to imitate what the adults around them did. For some teenagers, they are smoking because they think with a cigarette in their mouth makes them look and feel like an adult. According to my friend John, he said that he was smoking since he was 16, he thought that cigarette made him look cool and feel like an adult. Thus, there has been a trend increasing over the past few years and a little decline in 1999 among young smokers; however, it did not show much improvement. America is a freedom country, but how can we free the number of young smokers from those cigarettes or seduced advertisers? Therefore, we should find a solution to help the young smokers to quit before the cigarettes put their lives in danger.

Traffic Congestion Alert System Using Gsm

Lens Antenna an antenna whose directivity pattern is a result of the difference between the phase velocity of propagation of an electromagnetic wave in air and that in the lens material. Lens antennas are used in radar and metering equipment that operates in the centimeter wavelength range. A lens antenna consists of a lens proper and of a feed. The shape of the lens depends on the refractive index n (the ratio of the phase velocity of propagation of a radio wave in a vacuum to that in the lens). A decelerating lens antenna, as in optics, is one for which n > 1.An accelerating lens antenna (without an optical analogy) is one for which n < 1. The feed is usually a horn antenna that generates a spherical wave front or an antenna array that produces a cylindrical wave front. Decelerating lens antennas are made of high-quality low-loss homogeneous dielectrics (polystyrene, fluoroplastics) or synthetic dielectrics (systems of variously shaped metallic particles suspended in air or in a ho mogeneous dielectric with a relative dielectric constant approaching unity).The refractive index can change within wide limits with extremely low losses. Accelerating lens antennas are made of shaped metal sheets. There is no analogy in optics. The principle of operation derives from the fact that the phase velocity of an electromagnetic wave propagating between parallel metal sheets depends on the distance between them if the electric field vector is parallel to the sheets. In such a case the phase velocity is greater than the speed of light, and the refractive index is less than unity.Zoning the surfaces of a lens antenna reduces its weight and dimensions. The shape and height in profile of the individual zones are chosen such that the electromagnetic waves refracted by adjacent zones leave the lens with a phase shift of 360Â °. The field at the aperture remains cophasal. With aplanatic and Luneberg lens antennas it is possible to control the directivity pattern virtually without distortion. Traffic Congestion Alert System Using Gsm Lens Antenna an antenna whose directivity pattern is a result of the difference between the phase velocity of propagation of an electromagnetic wave in air and that in the lens material. Lens antennas are used in radar and metering equipment that operates in the centimeter wavelength range. A lens antenna consists of a lens proper and of a feed. The shape of the lens depends on the refractive index n (the ratio of the phase velocity of propagation of a radio wave in a vacuum to that in the lens). A decelerating lens antenna, as in optics, is one for which n > 1.An accelerating lens antenna (without an optical analogy) is one for which n < 1. The feed is usually a horn antenna that generates a spherical wave front or an antenna array that produces a cylindrical wave front. Decelerating lens antennas are made of high-quality low-loss homogeneous dielectrics (polystyrene, fluoroplastics) or synthetic dielectrics (systems of variously shaped metallic particles suspended in air or in a ho mogeneous dielectric with a relative dielectric constant approaching unity).The refractive index can change within wide limits with extremely low losses. Accelerating lens antennas are made of shaped metal sheets. There is no analogy in optics. The principle of operation derives from the fact that the phase velocity of an electromagnetic wave propagating between parallel metal sheets depends on the distance between them if the electric field vector is parallel to the sheets. In such a case the phase velocity is greater than the speed of light, and the refractive index is less than unity.Zoning the surfaces of a lens antenna reduces its weight and dimensions. The shape and height in profile of the individual zones are chosen such that the electromagnetic waves refracted by adjacent zones leave the lens with a phase shift of 360Â °. The field at the aperture remains cophasal. With aplanatic and Luneberg lens antennas it is possible to control the directivity pattern virtually without distortion.

Investment Behaviour of Women Essay

Abstract Through an analysis of recent reforms in three policy areas in Chile—pensions, childcare services, and maternity/parental leave—the paper seeks to explore how equity-oriented reforms deal with the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform. Recent studies of â€Å"new† social policies in Latin America have underlined the persistent strength of maternalist assumptions. Feminist research on new cash transfer programs, in particular, has tended to see more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of social policy. This paper suggests that once we broaden our ï ¬ eld of vision to include other social programs and reforms, the ways in which contemporary social policy (re)deï ¬ nes women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are more complex and contradictory. Indeed, while some policies take unpaid care by women for granted, others point to an increasing awareness of inequalities   Staa b that shape women’s and men’s differential access to market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. Over the last decade, there has been a veritable explosion of scholarship on Latin American social policy. In part this reï ¬â€šects the fact that—after decades of neglect—Latin American states have rediscovered social policy and scaled up their efforts to address the social fallout of liberalization. Indeed, while â€Å"Washington Consensus† reforms were mainly driven by the desire to cut costs and reduce the scope of the state, the late 1990s and 2000s have seen more coordinated state interventions to reduce poverty, inequality, and social exclusion. While not returning to post-war social protection schemes, countries in the region are experimenting with policies that break with the neoliberal notion of minimal safety nets (Barrientos et al. 2008; Molyneux 2008; Cortes 2009).  ´ What does this â€Å"return of the state† mean for women’s social rights and welfare? It has been argued that in contrast to the gender blindness of neoliberal reforms, â€Å"new† social policies have been gender conscious (Bedford 2007). However, relatively little systematic research has been carried out on the gender dynamics of this new social agenda (Macdonald and Ruckert 2009). The existing literature seems to suggest that there is far more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of â€Å"new† social protection programs. Feminist research on conditional cash transfers (CCTs)—a key innovation associated with Post-Washington Consensus social policy in the region—has tended to stress the persistence of maternalism (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009), a set of ideas and practices with a long and ambiguous history in the region. Yet there is more to Post-Washington Consensus social policy than CCTs. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other care-related policies alongside cash transfer schemes— including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of early childhood education and care (ECEC) services, maternity/ parental leave reforms, and in recent pension reforms, the introduction of child-rearing credits. While some of these programs take the unpaid care by women for granted , others point to an increasing awareness of gender inequalities that shape women’s and men’s differential access to labor market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. That these initiatives have received little scholarly attention leaves the impression that Latin American social policy is stuck on a maternalist track, when national and regional trends are likely to be more varied and complex. Against this broader backdrop, the main aim of the paper  is to provide a better understanding of the complex and contradictory  ways in which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are constructed and (re)deï ¬ ned in the context of recent equity-oriented reforms. I argue for a two-tiered approach. First, I propose to move beyond single policy analysis towards a more systemic view that takes into account and compares developments across sectors. Second, I aim to assess these reforms according to the ways in which they have dealt with three key legacies: marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. I apply this approach to the recent reforms in Chilean social policy, a particularly intriguing case. First, Chile is often cited as the Latin American country where neoliberal principles have been most comprehensively applied. Its 1980s social sector reforms–particularly in pensions and health–have long been promoted by international ï ¬ nancial institutions as a model for other countries to emulate (Taylor 2003; Orenstein 2005). Recent innovations in Chile’s social policy regime thus merit close attention. Second, Chile combines market liberalism with strong social conservatism, particularly with regards to gender roles. We would expect these two legacies to create mounting tensions and contradictions –for example over whether mothers should be at home (maternalism) or in the market (liberalism)–that social and employment policies have to navigate. I have chosen to focus on the recent reforms in pension, ECEC, and parental leave policies, issues which have been high up the public agenda in Chile and elsewhere. This is reï ¬â€šective of both broader global discourses spearheaded by international organizations such as the World Bank and the OECD, as well as a regional trend to revising social protection frameworks with an emphasis on increasing the coverage of hitherto excluded groups.1 The selection thus consciously combines two more traditional policy areas associated with social protection/consumption (pensions and maternity leave), with an emerging area geared towards social investment (ECEC). While the former were directly undermined by structural adjustment and deliberately restructured following the advice of international ï ¬ nancial institutions (Orenstein 2005; Brooks 2009), the latter have acquired prominence over the past decades as a means of reducing poverty by facilitating women’s labor force participation and as a cost-efï ¬ cient tool to promote human capital development by investing in early childhood development. These ideas form part of an emerging global paradigm (Jenson and Saint-Martin 2003; Jenson 2010; Mahon 2010) and seem to have ï ¬ ltered down to the national level with several Latin American countries experimenting with childcare-related reforms.2 The combinat ion of protection and promotion implicit in this selection is also highly relevant from a gender perspective. While childcare services and parental leaves can facilitate women’s engagement in paid employment, pension systems can be designed in ways that translate labor market inequalities into unequal entitlements in old age. They thus represent two sides of the same problem, namely the extent to which the gender division of labor affects women’s and men’s differential access to income and social security. The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. The next section brieï ¬â€šy illustrates the rationale for choosing marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias as key dimensions for assessing continuity and change. It takes a historical and  regional perspective to show how they became embedded in Latin American systems of social provision. The second half of the paper then provides a detailed analysis of recent reforms in Chilean pension, childcare, and maternity leave policies. The ï ¬ nal section draws out some comparative conclusions about the extent to which the recent reforms have dealt with the key legacies of marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. Maternalism, Male-Breadwinner Bias, and Market Reform  Trajectories of welfare state formation and change in Latin America are in many ways different from those of advanced economies in Europe or North America that have formed the basis for theory building. The most important difference is probably the dynamism and radicalism with which development strategies have been recast over the last century (Sheahan 2002, 4). Thus, many countries moved from state-led import-substituting industrialization (ISI) in the post-war period to the rather radical application of neoliberal prescriptions following the recessions and debt crises of the late 1970s and early 1980s. These transitions left distinct legacies in systems of social provision. From the often incomplete formation of welfare institutions in the post-war era, governments in the region turned to retrenchment, deregulation, and privatization. Redistributive and universalist aspirations—however exclusionary or stratifying these had been in practice (Filgueira and Filgueira 2002)—were buried with the shift to market-led development and the region moved closer towards liberal-informal welfare regimes (Barrientos 2004). As the state was scaled back, reforms empowered business interests which became directly involved in education, health, and pension systems.3 Gender roles and norms as well as pervasive gender inequalities across states, markets, and households mediate women’s and men’s exposure to social risks as well as their speciï ¬ c need for social protection and services. Women face particular challenges due to  motherhood and other caring responsibilities that societies largely assign to them (Lewis 1992; O’Connor 1993; Orloff 1993). Yet, these risks and responsibilities have rarely been taken into account in the design of social policies. Thus, Bismarck-style social insurance systems, such as those founded across Latin American countries in the post-war period, had an inherent male-breadwinner bias.4 Women, in turn, tended to access social beneï ¬ ts as wives of a male breadwinner or as mothers whose maternal functions had to be safeguarded and protected (Gimenez 2005). Motherhood became the  ´ very basis on which women staked their claims to citizenship rights and states deployed their efforts to mobilize female constituencies. At the heart of this â€Å"civic maternalism† was the belief that women– and in particular their biological and social function as mothers– had to be recognized, valued, and protected (Molyneux 2000).5 This was, in Nancy Folbre’s words, the â€Å"patriarchal trunk† onto which market reform was grafted, but which â€Å"continues to inï ¬â€šuence the shape of the tree† (Interviewed by Razavi 2011). A large body of literature has documented how struc tural adjustment increased the overall burden on women. Thus, where privatization and trade liberalization triggered a rise in male unemployment, women were pushed into (largely informal) paid employment to make up for lost wages. Meanwhile, retrenchment and commercialization of social services shifted more responsibilities for social provision to the domestic sphere, where the prevailing gender division of labor meant that women spent more time on unpaid reproductive work (BenerÄ ±a and Feldman 1992; Sparr 1994; and Elson 1995). In  ´ social protection systems, the move from risk sharing to individualization exacerbated already existing gender inequalities. By tightening the relationship between contributory patterns and pension beneï ¬ ts, market reforms effectively deepened male-breadwinner bias (Dion 2008). In health, private insurance companies were given plenty of rope for deï ¬ ning premiums based on gender-speciï ¬ c â€Å"risks†, such as pregnancy (Gideon 2006). As a result, the costs of biological and social repr oduction were further individualized and passed on to women. Paradoxically, maternalism remained a strong theme in the neoliberal era, at least at the level of public discourse (Molyneux 2000). In short, market reforms layered new gender inequalities onto the already existing legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias. As a result, conservative elements exist alongside (neo)liberal elements in the contemporary welfare architecture of many Latin American countries. How are these legacies challenged or compounded by the current wave of policy innovations and reform? If the state is indeed assuming greater responsibility for social  provision, does this trend provide a more favorable context for redressing gender inequalities? More particularly, does it reï ¬â€šect a greater recognition and redistribution of the responsibilities for and costs of care and social reproduction? The existing literature suggests that there is far more continuity than change in gendered assumptions even as new social programs are being rolled out: Recent studies have argued, for example, that new social programs have paid scant, if any, attention to the underlying structures of gender inequality in labor markets and households (Razavi 2007); that economic and social policies continue to place the burden of social reproduction on families (read: women); that the particular design of social programs tends to reinforce traditional gender roles without providing long-term strategies for women’s economic security through job training or childcare provision (Molyneux 2007; Tabbush 2009); and that new social policies increase social control and surveillance of mothers’ child-rearing behavior and performance (Luccisano and Wall 2009). Feminist research on CCTs, in particular, has tended to stress the persistence of maternalist orientations (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009). This literature has been central for understanding the gendered nature of â€Å"new† social policies in the region and much remains to be learned about the actual diversity of  ´ these programs (MartÄ ±nez Franzoni and Voorend 2009) and their impact on women from different ethnic groups (Hernandez 2011;  ´ Rivera 2011). Analytically, however, the focus on a single scheme is insufï ¬ cient to assess the processes through which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are currently being (re)deï ¬ ned. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other social policies alongside the much-cited CCTs, including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of ECEC services, maternity/parental leave reforms, and the introduction of child-rearing credits in recent pension reforms. In each of these areas, equity-oriented reformers struggle with the legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias, on the one hand, and the (ideological and de-facto) importance of markets, on the other hand. I argue that these struggles shape reform processes and outcomes in ways that are more complex and contradictory than the existing literature on CCTs suggests. The following analysis of Chilean social policy sets out to unravel some of these complexities by looking at the recent reforms in pensions, childcare, and leave regulations. Implicit in this approach is an understanding of the state as a concept that helps to contextualize present political conï ¬â€šicts and policy processes (Hay and Lister 2006). In other words, previously enacted policies, institutional choices, and strategic interactions constitute a â€Å"strategically selective terrain† (Jessop 1990, 203) that structures present political conï ¬â€šict, rendering it more conducive to some  demands than others. While not determining their behavior, the ensemble of institutions and policy frameworks that comprise the state offer opportunities to and impose constraints on, the political agency of those wishing to effect policy change. The three legacies outlined above form part of the institutional landscape of the state. As such, they are shown to play a signiï ¬ cant role in current attempts of reform and policy innovation. While these legacies constitute the main focus of this paper, they are by no means the only factor that shape change and continuity in Chilean social policy. In fact, sector-speciï ¬ c actors, partisan politics, and particular political contingencies come into play to differing degrees. Furthermore, the continuity and deepening of an economic model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary, and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment, forms the backdrop against which more expansive social policies have emerged as a response to persistent inequality. However, the full meaning of recent reforms cannot be understood without taking into account the gender-speciï ¬ c legacies in each sector.  (En)gendering Change and Continuity: Recent reforms in Chile Chile is a particularly intriguing case for analyzing continuity and change in social policy. On the one hand, it is often portrayed as the country where neoliberal principles have most profoundly transformed economic, social, and political institutions (Kurtz 1999; Filgueira and Filgueira 2002). While radical market reforms were carried out under the aegis of a military dictatorship (1973–1989), many of the model’s features were maintained with the return to democracy. Consequently, the country’s policy framework is often represented as particularly resistant to equity-oriented change. On the other hand, Chile combines market liberalism with social conservatism—two features that conventional welfare regime analysis tends to locate in different clusters (the conservative and the liberal variant, respectively). Female labor force participation is among the lowest in the region (ECLAC 2008), the country’s welfare regime has been described as inherently â€Å"gender biased† (Pribble 2006, 86), and conservative social norms  regarding women’s role in the family loom large (Contreras and Plaza 2010).6 Despite this rather unfavorable context, recent reforms suggest that these frameworks are not carved in stone. Since the early 2000 s efforts to expand social protection, to improve access to and quality  of social services and to strengthen social rights have featured prominently on the country’s social agenda, leading some to argue that Chile may be approaching a â€Å"point of inï ¬â€šection† (Illanes and Riesco 2007, 406). The following sections shed light on the complex and contradictory ways in which the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform is addressed by recent reforms in pensions (adopted in 2008), childcare services (signiï ¬ cantly expanded since 2006), and maternity leave (reformed in 2011). Before delving more deeply into the developments in each sector, it is necessary to brieï ¬â€šy describe the broader economic and political context since the country’s return to democracy in 1990. Context of Recent Reforms and Policy Innovations The return to democracy did not entail a drastic transformation of the institutional foundations of economic and social policy inherited from the military regime (Moulian 2002; Taylor 2003; Borzutzky 2010). In fact, in macroeconomic terms the center-left party coalition Concertacion that governed the country from 1990  ´ to 2010 validated and deepened the neoliberal model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment. To offset some of its worst effects, social spending increased steadily which, together with economic growth and employment creation, dramatically reduced absolute poverty from 38.6 percent in 1990 to 13.7 percent in 2006 (ECLAC 2008), although it did relatively little to improve income distribution or lessen social inequalities and fragmentation in education, health, and social protection (Solimano 2009). Explanations for this continuity are manifold, including the formidable constraints placed on  the autonomy of the ï ¬ rst Concertacion governments by authoritarian enclaves in the political  ´ system that granted right-wing political opposition important veto powers; the resistance of business interests whose power increased as a result of market reforms; the weakness of other civil society actors, particularly labor; a political culture eager to avoid the kind of political confrontation that preceded the military coup; and the adoption of market-oriented ideas by key decision makers within the centerleft coalition itself (e.g. Kurtz 2003; Castiglioni 2005; Borzutzky and Weeks 2010; Ewig and Kay 2011). The result of this complex and contradictory process has been described as a Chilean â€Å"Third Way† characterized by an â€Å"unwavering commitment to trade liberalization and privatization despite considerable public opposition† and a â€Å"predisposition to a policy process that discourages participation by civil society and rank-and-ï ¬ le party members, while affording business access to the  highest reaches of government† (Sandbrook et al. 2007, 164–65). This set-up makes some policy areas more amenable to equity-enhancing reforms and innovations than others. As the economic model rests upon a ï ¬â€šexible and restrictive labor regime (Frank 2004), social policy is largely conï ¬ ned to enhancing workers’ ability to compete on the market and to mitigating some of the worst risks that unregulated and precarious employment entails. This goes a long way to explain why the two socialist-led governments of Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006) and Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) spearheaded health reform, pension reform and childcare service expansion in order to enhance equity, while shying away from reforms related to the country’s labor market where many of the fundamental social inequalities originate. While the  Bachelet administration’s employment policy and labor relations have been described as disappointing, (Lopez 2009;  ´ Sehnbruch 2009), it did turn social protection into a key priority. The concept ual pillars of her strategy included a life-course approach to social protection and the attempt to introduce a rights-based perspective (Hardy 2011). The latter materialized in a gradual lifting of budgetary restrictions on social assistance7 and the progressive relaxation of eligibility requirements for accessing a range of beneï ¬ ts. The life-course approach, in turn, is captured in repeatedly stated commitments to create equal opportunities and protect citizens â€Å"from the cradle to old age†. Tellingly, its translation into policy focused on the two extremes of the life course, namely the reform of the pension system and Chile Crece Contigo, an integrated early childhood protection system that included the massive expansion of childcare services. The working-age population remained caught in the middle with persistently low employment quality, including a high level of job instability and the limited reach of employment-based rights and beneï ¬ ts, a scenario that disproportionately affects women workers (Sehnbruch 2009). 8 Thus, the attempt to square greater equity and social inclusion with an open economy inï ¬â€šuenced the scope and locus of policy change during the Bachelet administration. While acquiring greater visibility, social protection remained subordinate to macroeconomic goals, including those related to employment, understood as not interfering with job creation through greater regulation and rights for workers. In this context, it is particularly surprising that a highly controversial employment-related reform was introduced under the new right-wing government of Sebastian Pinera (2010) which, in ËÅ"  ´ 2011, expanded (women) workers’ rights through a reform of maternity leave regulations.